The Emir of Bokhara

 by Greg King

One of the most eagerly anticipated visitors during the Imperial Family's annual holiday at Livadia was the Emir of Bokhara. An enormous man, swathed in colorful robes, he was a great favorite of all the Romanovs, and formed an especially close bond with the family of Nicholas II. His visits were always filled with great amusement and laughter, and he showered the Romanovs with expensive and elaborate gifts. Such joviality, however, shielded a complex man and the troubled past of his country and his life.

The Emir of Bokhara ruled an arid, mountainous region in Central Asia which had only fallen to Russian influence and power in the mid-19th Century. This final humiliation at the hands of a foreign power was the last in a long line of invasions, wars, and revolutions that swept through Bokhara's history. That such a small stretch of desert land captivated the imaginations of so many and compelled hundreds of thousands of men to die in attempts to subvert her was mute testimony to the material and spiritual wealth contained within Bokhara's borders.

The ancient Greeks, the first foreign power to have extended their rule and influence Central Asia, are also the first to have established permanent settlements in Bokhara.1 They seem to have disappeared from the area without leaving a trace. China was next, and references to Bokhara can be found in Chinese chronicles of the 5th Century A.D. The name Bokhara seems to have come from the Sanskrit word "vikhara" (monastery), apparently after a Buddhist shrine was built here in the 4th Century AD.2

In 632, the armies of the Prophet Mohammad began to spread across Central Asia as city after city fell to their might. In the early years of the 7th Century, Al-Hajai, Governor of Iraq, dispatched troops north to conquer Georgia, the Caucasus, Samarkand, Turkestan, and Bokhara. Within a few years, they had all come under the sword of Islam.3

Under Muslim rule, Bokhara was transformed from a dusty desert town into a thriving center of learning and trade. In the 9th Century, Bokhara became capital of the Islamic Samanid Empire, which stretched through Central Asia to interior Afghanistan. Under their rule, Bokhara became a renowned center of learning, and its madrassahs, or schools, were filled with reverent children from across Central Asia.4

The Samanid Empire, founded in 874 by Ismail Samanai, was a powerful force in Central Asia and its influence reached to the West. One of its most important exports was the work and teachings of Ibn Sina, known in Europe as Avicenna, one of the most remarkable Bokharan intellectuals who published works on astronomy, grammar, philosophy, and poetry. He is still largely regarded as the grandfather of medical thought in Islamic culture, but pushed himself to the study of mathematics, logic, physics and metaphysics, compiling his knowledge in a single volume called The Book of the Cure, a unique synthesis of both physical and spiritual well-being. In Europe, his Canon Medicinae became the major learning text for doctors over the next five centuries.5

The Seljuks followed the Samanids in capturing Bokhara and establishing its capital as the center of the new Empire. Nomadic Turkish shepherds from the Central Asian Steppe, they managed to subdued the Saminids and establish Bokhara as a vassal state in 1090. Two years later, Nizam al-Mulk, the ruler, was stabbed to death in the street by an enemy assassin and Seljuk hold on Bokhara slipped as the state was over-run with warring tribes and factions, each determined to wrest power from one another and install themselves as masters in Bokhara.6

For a brief period, the Qarakhanids, a small but able nomadic tribe, ensconced themselves in Bokhara as rulers, building the first modern city walls and leaving behind a number of impressive buildings, mosques, schools, and shrines.7 Their hold on power, however, fell in 1220 with the arrival of Genghis Khan and his menacing warriors. Under the rule of the Golden Horde, Bokhara was partitioned, with the capital and principal territory awarded to the Chaghatayid Tribe.8 In 1335, Tamarlane chose Samarkand as the capital of his flourishing Empire, and Bokhara was left as a vassal state, ruled by the local nomadic Uzbek Shaybanid Tribe.

It was the leader of this Tribe, Mohammad Shaybani, who consolidated his power, drove the Timurids out of the area, captured neighboring Khorasan, Turkestan, and Samarkand, and proclaimed himself Emir of Bokara in 1510.9 Under Shaynanid rule, Bokhara once again regained its pre-eminent place in the Islamic world, with Sunni and Shiite Muslims looking to it as "the Rome of Islam." Bokhara "the Rome of Islam."10 A popular Islamic saying held that light came down from heaven across the world except to Bokhara; here, it was the city which cast its glow to enlighten the heavens.11

Throughout the 15th and 16th Centuries, Shaybanid rule in Bokhara was constantly threatened by warring factions and foreign invaders. In Moscow, Ivan the Terrible himself attempted several times to overwhelm the state with armed soldiers, and establish trade, but his efforts were rebuffed.12 In the 17th Century, the Astarkhanid Tribe grabbed power, manipulating the Emir into a state of vassalage which continued into the next hundred years, leaving the Throne unstable and the Bokhara plunged into economic chaos.

This state of unrest changed dramatically in 1753, when the Mangit Dynasty came to power. The Mangits were one of the largest Uzbek tribes; unlike the Shaybanids and Chaghatayids, the Mangits were not descended from the Genghis Khan's Golden Horde; when they came to power, they were therefore not entitled to the dignity of khan, but took the lesser title of Emir, and the style of "Prince of the Faithful."13 Under Emir Murad Shah, Bokhara once again rose in prominence. The Mangit Court was "a haven of luxury and etiquette.... The Emir...lived in palaces built in traditional Bokharan style. A splendid and ceremonious Court, whose officials wore some of the finest costumes in the world, served him. Dressed in robes of cotton, satin, silk, or gold brocade, according to their rank, they looked like animated rainbows when they walked.... The Master of Ceremonies wore peacock feathers on his robe. The Chamberlains carried golden or multi-colored wands, the Aides-de-Camp, gold axes.... The Emir was treated as a...demi-god whom inferior beings may admire from a distance."14

Under Mangit rule, Bokhara increased its wealth through trade with foreign powers. The markets and bazaars were renowned for the variety of carpets, copper, leather goods, porcelain, spices, livestock, and jewelry that filled the stalls. There were also more exotic finds, including walrus teeth, and the lush furs from the mountains of North Bokhara, used to make Astrakhan coats and collars, as well as the traditional Bokharan fur-trimmed caps called tilpaks.15

Most of this material wealth was exported; rarely did foreign visits enter the great fortified walls circling Bokhara, and those who did so came at their own peril. For centuries, Bokhara had been one of the most stringent Islamic footholds in Central Asia, and the Muslim feeling toward "infidels" lasted well into the 19th Century. Under the rule of Emir Nasrallah, from the 1820s to 1860, several European visitors journeyed to Bokhara and were never seen alive again.16

The most famous case involved two British Colonial officers, Colonel Stoddart and Captain Conolly, who were dispatched in 1843 to meet Nasrallah and present him with diplomatic and financial overtures in an attempt to win Bokhara over to English influence. Unfortunately, the two men also tried to extend their mission to converting the Muslim faithful. They carried Bibles everywhere they went, and openly attempted to hand them out. Some months after their disappearance, an eccentric Yorkshire missionary, Dr. Joseph Wolff, decided to venture to Bokhara to ascertain their fates. What Wolff found was horrifying: the two British emissaries had been arrested and imprisoned in Bokhara's infamous Zindan Prison, where they were thrown into a well infested with maggots and rats and cockroaches. Here, they where left for months, slowly starving, as their skin was gnawed from the bone, until, finally refusing to convert to Islam, they were publicly beheaded in the main square. Wolff himself was arrested and expected the same fate; when he was taken to the Emir, he therefore went to extraordinary lengths to avoid the dreaded well, prostrating himself on the floor before Nasrallah thirty times and calling out "Allah Akbar!" The Emir had not expected such a scene, and burst into laughter. Wolff was unwilling to convert, but his attempt to placate the Emir was successful. Nasrallah ordered his court musicians to break into a hasty and off-key rendition of "God Save the Queen" to honor his prisoner, who was then sent safely on his way out of the country.17

In 1860, Nasrallah died, and was succeeded by his son Muzaffar al-Din, the last independent Emir to reign in Bokhara. Nasrallah's mother was a former Persian slave, who, in her son's reign, presided over the Harem from which she had come.18 He had been born in 1821 or 1824, and was raised by his mother and tutors at the country Palace of Karshi. According to the Hungarian scholar Arminius Vambery, who traveled to Bokhara, interviewed the Emir, and wrote several books on the country, Muzaffar "displayed diligence and brilliant abilities early on in life. However, he was from a very early age a thorn in the flesh of his father, who always feared him as a dangerous pretender to the throne. Since the ghosts of a plot always threatened him from Karshi, he appointed his son as Provincial Governor of Kermine to observe him more closely and remove this nightmare."19

As Provincial Governor, or beg, of Kermine, Muzaffar served his father for almost twenty years. Under the strictest supervision, "living in relative isolation and disgrace," as Vambery wrote, Muzaffar was rarely allowed out of the Palace compound. Somewhat amazingly, he never met his father, who saw him only once, as a newly born baby. Nasrallah, distrustful and suspicious, always suspected his son was secretly plotting against him and, indeed, the history of the Emirate was rife with family struggles and coups. When Muzaffar learned that his father had died, he left Kermine and set foot in Bokhara for the first time to attend the funeral. A few months later, he journeyed to Samarkand for the traditional investiture ceremony, sitting atop a carpet that was lifted over a famous gray stone in the Great Mosque by courtiers to symbolize his enthronement.20

By the time he came to the throne, Sayed Mir-Muzaffar ad-Din Bahadur-Khan was a middle-aged man of enormous girth. One author described him as "a debauchee who wore makeup on his cheeks and round his eyes."21 The impression was enforced by the suspicious look in his narrow, almond-shaped eyes, set in a dusky, oval face ending in a bushy mustache and beard, which the Emir shaded with purple and crimson dyes. He was of medium height, which made him seem even heavier, a condition the swirling robes of gold brocade and purple velvet embroidered with jewels, and decorated with peacock feathers, did little to rectify.

Arminius Vambery, who had an audience with Muzaffar in 1863, later wrote: "He is a well disposed man; and although he enforces with severity the laws respecting religion and morals, he can not be charged himself with any crime.... He is in the forty-second year of his age, of middle stature, somewhat corpulent. He has a very pleasing countenance, fine black eyes and a thin beard. In his youth he acted as Governor one year in Karshi, and eighteen in Kermine, and was always distinguished for the gentleness and affability of his manners. He carries out strictly the political principles of his father and in his capacity as mullah and pious Mussulman is the declared enemy of every innovation, even when he may be convinced of its utility."22

Vladimir Krestovsky, a visiting Russian officer who met Muzaffar in 1883, noted: "The Emir's face had traces of former beauty. He had a small black beard, thin eyebrows, a thin mustache trimmed above the lip and large black eyes which squinted, probably out of habit, and only sometimes opened widely when he looked up to somebody. In general he looked friendly." And one Islamic historian called Muzaffar "a model of virtue and kindness."23

Muzaffar's nephew, Mir-Sayed-Ahad Khan, who lived in Tashkent, told one visiting Russian official that his uncle had a taste for feminine beauty. In addition to his four legitimate wives, there were some twenty unofficial wives, all natives of Bokhara; with these various wives, the Emir had at least sixteen known children, and probably more, most of whom were raised away from Bokhara at one of the country palaces.24 Muzaffar also kept a traditional Harem, ruled by his mother, with between 150-200 slave girls.25

Western visitors, while somewhat enchanted with the Emir's personal charm and overwhelmed by the Byzantine opulence of his Court, nonetheless saw round them evidence of his tyranny. Under Muzaffar, Bokharan actively pursued a prosperous trade in slaves, captured prisoners from warring raids on neighboring countries. On his visit in 1863, Vambery visited a bazaar and was shocked to find hundreds of prisoners, mainly female, and some as young as three, grouped into holding pens from which they were dragged to a platform to be sold to the highest bidder. None of these slaves were Muslim, for Islam forbid such a practice among the faithful; rather, they were Jews, Buddhists, and Christians. Muzaffar himself sent scouts to the auctions, with instructions to purchase any especially attractive young girls for his Harem.26 Not surprisingly, impressions of Muzaffar varied. One Tajik writer described him as "stupid and mediocre...unintelligent and bloodthirsty...a libertine and bloodthirsty tyrant," while another condemned him as "unsociable and religious."27

Muzaffar's reign was marked by conflict that tore his country apart and ended in the subjection and incorporation of Bokhara into the Russian Empire. For centuries, foreign powers had invaded and fought for control of the small country but, in the mid-19th Century, it was a battle waged between Britain and Russia for influence which ultimately sealed Bokhara's fate. With England's position and power consolidated in India, she looked North, to Central Asia, for other territories to colonize and subvert.28 Only a few dusty countries separated British India from Imperial Russia, and Queen Victoria was none too keen on having the Romanov Dynasty installed near the borders of her expanding realm.29

The Russian Empire extended to the Syr Darya River, which bounded Bokhara's northwestern borders. Throughout the first half of the 19th Century, the area was subjected to raids, launched not by the Russians but jointly by the Emir of Bokhara and the neighboring Khans of Khokland and Khiva. The Russians simply turned the attackers back with superior men and arms; they did not bother to actively pursue them. In the 1850s, the Emir and Khans dispatched further raiding armies, knowing that the Empire was involved in the Crimean War and could not afford to do more than fend them off.30

When the Crimean War ended, the Russians turned their military attentions to troublesome Central Asia. In 1865, soldiers from the Imperial Army seized Tashkent and incorporated it as a new province in the Empire. Muzaffar immediately protested and sent a delegation to St. Petersburg to negotiate a compromise, but General Kryzhinovsky, the over-jealous Governor-General of Orenburg, had the Bokharans arrested when they attempted to pass through his Province. In October, Alexander II instructed General Chernayev, the newly appointed Governor-General of Turkestan, to send a diplomatic mission to the Emir to propose trade relations and a cease-fire to the incursions. When they arrived in Bokhara, however, Muzaffar had them all arrested in retaliation for the capture of his own mission to the Imperial capital. The Russians immediately sent troops, but their efforts to reach Bokhara were surprisingly repulsed. Chernayev was quickly relieved of his post, and a new Governor-General, Romanovsky, was sent, accompanied by a large contingent of heavily armed troops.31

The Emir kept a standing army of some 40,000 cavalry.32 This force, however, was not powerful enough to resist the Russians. At Irdja, Romanovsky's men turned the Emir's soldiers out and decimated their ranks. There was nothing to stop Russia from marching straight to Bokhara and capturing the Emir; fearing for his safety, Muzaffar quickly fled to neighboring Samarkand, seeking sanctuary from the Khan. The Russian troops continued their march south, capturing Hodjent; they were less than a hundred miles from the city of Bokhara itself. When Muzaffar learnt of this, he immediately sent a delegation to General Kryzhinovsky to negotiate a peace treaty; the General, however, had little regard for the Emir, and refused to discuss peace without concessions from the Bokharan authorities. The Emir, equally stubborn, recalled his delegation.33

Faced with this stalemate, the Russians decided to press their attack. Over the next few months, they edged ever closer to the city of Bokhara as fortress after fortress fell to their superior military might.34 In the spring of 1868, Razhinkovsky was replaced by General Kaufman, who led the last assault. By early summer, the Russians had captured almost every important city in Bokhara, and easily pressed onward to overwhelm Samarkand as well. The Emir knew that the war was as good as lost, and reluctantly entered into peace talks with the Imperial Government.35

The Russians were in the position of power, and thus able to dictate the terms. The Emir of Bokhara was forced to recognize all Russian territorial gains in the region, including the forcible annexation of his own country as a Protectorate into the Empire. The Russians, however, generously allowed Muzaffar to return to Bokhara and rule as Emir, albeit under stringent new conditions imposed by St. Petersburg. A formal treaty was signed in September, 1873, which guaranteed protection of the Emirate from any foreign invasions, and also awarded the Emir some territories the Russians had seized from the neighboring Khan of Khiva; in return, Bokhara ceded free trade rights to the Empire, and had to agree to a number of conditions, which included the abolition of slavery and the slave trade, and forbid the cruelest incarcerations and executions which had until then been customary.36 "Thus," writes Alexander Borg, "between 1868 and 1873, the once independent Emirate of Bokhara was reduced to a state of vassalage."37

The Emir of Bokhara was relatively fortunate at this outcome; the neighboring Khan of Kokland was simply deposed in 1875 and his country absorbed into the new Turkestan Province.38 The Emir of Bokhara actually came out of the conflict with more territory for his country, added at the expense of Kokland and Khiva. His new Protectorate stretched between Uzbek to the north and Turkestan to the southwest, to the borders of Afghanistan and Persia along the southern edge of Bokhara.39 On the surface, the Emir and his country remained much the same as before, although the inevitable Russian influence slowly began to creep into the region over the next few decades. The Emir was also forced to conduct all trade and diplomatic missions through the auspices of the Russian Government's Foreign Ministry.

With the Russian threat taken and accepted, Muzaffar could concentrate his energies on ruling his country. In personal affairs, the Emir remained something of a tyrant, with a despot's inbred fear and suspicion of those who surrounded him and their loyalty. The greatest example of this unease involved, perhaps not surprisingly, the members of Muzaffar's immediate family, most particularly his twelve known legitimate sons who survived into adulthood.40

In Muzaffar's case, however, his paranoia seems to have been well founded. His eldest son, Sayed Abd al-Malik Mirza Katta-Tyurya, was born in 1848. Married to the daughter of Shir-Ali-Khan, King of Afghanistan, he was made Provincial Governor, or beg, of Guzar in the 1860s. As the eldest son and presumed heir apparent to his father's throne, Abd al-Malik resented the forced annexation of Bokhara into the Russian Empire, which he saw as a direct infringement on his future inheritance. Following the 1868 defeat of his father's troops, Abd al-Malik tried to seize his father's throne and force a new war against the Empire; somehow, Muzaffar learnt of this planned coup in advance, and sent his army after his eldest son, who fled to Karshi and then to Khiva. Muzaffar's men eventually arrested him and Abd al-Malik was imprisoned, first in the Yangi-Khisar Fortress in Kashgaria in 1873, and from 1880 in Kabul. In 1882, he was allowed to move to India, where he lived largely at British expense. As the eldest son, he remained a serious threat to his father's hold on power, and the British Foreign Office channeled large sums of money to Abd al-Malik in attempts to influence him, and pay for the raising and training of a dependable army. England hoped that Abd al-Malik would one day be able to return to Bokhara, seize power, renounce the treaty with Russia, and sign a new alliance with Queen Victoria. Abd al-Malik, however, while promising the duplicitous British one thing, was only interested in the continued flow of their money to fund his lavish style of life, and no attempt was forthcoming from his quarters. He died, still in Indian exile and supported by the British, in 1909.41 With Abd al-Malik in disgraced exile, Muzaffar turned his attentions to his second legitimate son, Sayed Nur ad-Din-khan. Born in 1851, Nur ad-Din was the antithesis of his father: tall, thin, and willowy, with just a hint of his Central Asian heritage in his finely wrought features. Muzaffar appointed him beg of Karshi in 1867, and he took the more important post of beg of Chardjui in the early 1870s. Muzaffar had every intention of naming Nur ad-Din his successor, and began to groom the young man for his eventual role as Emir, but he died unexpectedly after a bought with typhoid in 1878.42

The third son, Sayed Mir-Abd al-Mumin, born in 1852, served as beg in Karshi from 1868, and was made beg of the larger Khisar Province in from 1871 to 1886. Although capable enough, Muzaffar had no intention of passing the Throne on to him, suspecting that he suffered from mental instability.43 His brother, Sayed Abd al-Fattah Mirza, born in 1856, was Muzaffar's fourth and favourite son. A year after the Emir had agreed to Russian terms for his Protectorate, Muzaffar sent the young boy to St. Petersburg at the head of a diplomatic mission to present gifts to Alexander II; he was accompanied by his mother, Abou al-Kasim-bey, a number of court dignitaries, and the Bokharan writer Akhmad Donish, who served as official secretary. Arriving in the Imperial capital in November, the party was duly received by the Emperor. Among the official documents they carried was a letter from the Emir asking that Alexander II recognize the young man as his official heir; unfortunately, Abd al-Fattah died before this could be done, leaving his father desolate and the future of the Bokharan Throne still unsettled.44

The sixth legitimate son, Sayed Mir-Abd as-Samat, born sometime in the early 1860s, was made beg of Chirakchi in 1880, but very soon proved himself unfit to serve. In 1882, on order of his father, he was placed under house arrest after he had been caught in some sort of sexual scandal and found to have been skimming official funds to support his lavish personal tastes. No details are known of the alleged personal offense, but it apparently was of such a grave nature that Muzaffar kept the tall, thin young man confined to the Palace, where a contingent of guards closely monitored his every mood. After the scandal, Muzaffar could never bring himself to receive his son again, or visit him at Chirakchi.45

The seventh son, Sayed Mohammad Mir-Siddik-khan, served as beg of Karshi from 1871. After the death of his brother Nur ad-Din in 1878, Muzaffar appointed him beg of Chardjui. Of all the sons, he was the most European in appearance, tall and thin, with the merest hint of the traditional beard and mustache. The handsome young man had a marked taste for forbidden alcohol, luxurious robes, and literature; he often spent hours reading and composing his own poetry, although he lacked any real talent. His obsession with the beautiful local boys soon reached Bokhara, but, unusually, Muzaffar did nothing to intervene, since in other respects he had proved himself one of the country's most judicious and devoted provincial begs. Muzaffar never seriously considered Mohammad Mir-Siddik as a potential heir to his Throne, and was content to leave him to his official duties and personal pursuits in Chardjui.46

Of Sayed Mir-Akram-khan, the eighth surviving son, less is known; he was probably born sometime in the early 1860s and, on reaching the age of eighteen, was appointed beg of Guzar, a post he was to keep for the next twenty years, serving competently enough, if at times providing uninspired leadership.47

The ninth son, Sayed Mir-Mansur, born in 1863, was to become the most Russianized of all Muzaffar's children. In the 1870s, he was sent to St. Petersburg where, with the Emperor's approval, he was admitted to the prestigious Corps des Pages. Together with his tutor, Mirza Abd al-Vasi toksaba, and a small suite, he lived in Carlo Rossi's exquisite neo-classical Michael Palace. Inhabitants of Petersburg soon grew accustomed to the curious site of the young Prince in his Corps des Pages uniform, followed by a retinue of brilliantly-robed Bokharan keepers, on his morning walk to the school, strolling in the Summer Garden, or riding down the Nevsky Prospekt in a carriage emblazoned with the Mingit Dynasty Coat-of-Arms and pulled by magnificent horses sent from his father's Bokharan stud. Alexander II took a great personal interest in the young boy, and presented him with a monogrammed gold watch that Mir-Mansur prized until his death. The Emperor, by an Imperial ukaze of 15 December, 1878, also granted the young Bokharan Prince an annual stipend of 500 rubles, and an additional 310 for his tutor, to help him pay his expenses.48

Mir-Mansur was a good student at the Corps des Pages, and did well in his studies, learning Russian, French, and German in addition to his regular lessons. Eventually, as he grew older, his curriculum was tailored to suit his heritage, and included the study of Arabic and Arabian literature, as well as instructions in Islam. In the summer of 1881, the new Emperor, Alexander III, invited him, to spend his holiday in the Crimea, in a villa lent by the Imperial family. Mir-Mansur graduated from the Corps des Pages on 13 April, 1886, and was made Cornet of the 3rd Sumy Dragoon Regiment in the Imperial Army, taking up his position with his new fellow officers in Moscow, where he was to live for the next four decades.49

Such close relationships undoubtedly helped cement the uneasy ties between Muzaffar and his Russian masters. For their part, the Romanovs were always careful to treat the Emir with the greatest respect. In 1883, Alexander III sent a special diplomatic mission to Bokhara to award Muzaffar with the Imperial Order of St. Anna, one of the Empire's highest honors. The Emir was completely taken with the honor, and thereafter insisted on wearing the cordon and diamond Order Star prominently on the broad chest of his swirling robes.50

In August 1885, during his annual tour of his country, Muzaffar fell ill with an unspecified ailment and high fever while staying at Karshi. His illness forced his return to Bokhara, where doctors suggested he needed rest and recommended he retire to the country Palace of Shirbuden. Here, Muzaffar seemed to completely recover, but at the end of September, he took a sudden turn for the worse. Fearing that the end was near, he asked to return to the capital, to the main Palace, the Ark. Forty minutes after he entered its gates, Muzaffar lapsed into a coma and died on 31 October, 1885.51

Muzaffar was succeeded as Emir by his fifth son, Sayed Abd al-Ahad Bakhadur-Khan. Abd al-Ahad was an altogether more pleasant figure, both in manner, and in countenance, than his late father. Although at times he could display the temperament of his heritage, and his eyes occasionally carried a haughty look, the new Emir was a complete contrast to anyone who had previously ruled in Bokhara.

Abd al-Ahad was born on 26 March 1859, at the country Palace of Kermine. Shamshat, his mother, was a former Persian slave, and one of Muzaffar's four legitimate wives; she was also said to be his favorite, respected for her intelligence and beauty. Abd al-Ahad was her favorite son, and, when she died at Kermine in 1879, he was desolate with grief.52

The Palace at Kermine, where Abd al-Ahad was raised, was a surprisingly European-style structure of two storeys, with a stone and marble facade adorned with baroque details reminiscent of the Italian Neo-Renaissance. Traditional elements of Islamic architecture-jalti, polylobate columns, elaborate mosaic tilework-had simply been grafted on to the building, making for a curious conglomeration of periods and influences. The Palace was set within a large estate, with stables, kennels for hunting dogs, and a falconry, providing the young Prince with diversions from his studies. He became a keen and talented rider, considered one of the best horsemen in the Emirate, and took great time and care in the breaking of wild stallions. He was an accomplished hunter, and enjoyed all exercise. When he was twenty-three, however, he was thrown from one of the stallions he was training, and suffered serious injuries to his legs, which forced him to abandon most of the physical activities. Thereafter, the formerly tall and thin Abd al-Ahad became increasingly stout, until, by the age of thirty, he was nearly as hefty as his father had been, although his height allowed him to carry the additional weight without the true look of corpulence.53

Abd al-Ahad's life at Kermine was simple, and he himself rarely stood on ceremony.54 He was educated largely by Bokharan tutors though, after 1870, his father arranged for Russians to come and teach him their language. Other foreign tutors instructed the young Prince in French, and he even learnt some English, although he was never comfortable speaking it.55 From an early age, he was keenly interested in literature, and proved a voracious reader. He especially enjoyed poetry and had special couriers who brought him the latest books from St. Petersburg, London and Paris. In time, he also began, like his brother, to compose his own verse; unlike Mohammad Mir-Siddik, however, Ad al-Ahad possessed a real talent. His notebooks were filled with verse in which he described his thoughts and feelings; after he began to make regular visits to the Crimea, much of his work centered on his love for the beautiful Peninsula. He signed all his poetry with the pseudonym "Odjiz," meaning helpless and weak.56

At the age of eighteen, Abd al-Ahad was appointed beg of Kermine, a post he held until he came to the Throne in 1885. His intellect, abilities, and undoubted loyalty convinced his father to name Abd al-Ahad his official heir in 1882; the twenty-three-year-old Prince was sent to St. Petersburg to meet Alexander III, and receive the Imperial stamp of approval, which the Emperor was only too happy to give. A year later, he represented his father at Alexander III's Coronation in Moscow.57

When Muzaffar died in October 1885, Abd al-Ahad immediately left Kermine for the capital, accompanied by an escort of over a thousand mounted cavalry. During the journey, he was met by Lieutenant-General Annenkov, a Russian official sent from Tashkent, who informed him that, in the event of any difficulties or claims made on the Throne by Muzaffar's other sons, Abd al-Ahad could count on the complete support of the Russian Government, both financial and militarily. As he approached Bokhara, Abd al-Ahad dismounted at the Mazar Bahaudin Shrine to pray for his father's soul, and for guidance in assuming his new office. That same day, he presided over Muzaffar's funeral ceremonies and internment in the Mangit family mausoleum.58

Five days later, on 4 November 1885, Abd al-Ahad was formally enthroned in the Great Hall of Bokhara's Ark, the ancient fortress that served as the official palace of the Mangit Dynasty. The ceremony itself, like much of the reign that followed, broke with tradition. Rather than journeying to Samarkand for the customary ceremonial of being held aloft on a carpet over the Islamic equivalent to the Stone of Scone, the Emir's installment followed Western lines. He entered the Great Hall, which was crowded with officials and courtiers, robed in an elaborate gown of gold brocade shimmering with diamonds, and ascended the steps of the dais to the ivory and gilt throne, pledging a solemn oath on the Koran to respect and uphold the laws of Islam and protect his people, before taking his throne to receive the allegiance of his subjects.59

At the time he acceded to the Bokharan Throne, Abd al-Ahad was twenty-five. At first glance, everything about him was imposing and brilliant. Standing just over six feet, his weight, even at this young age, was considerable, but he carried himself with the posture borne from his years of riding. He had a round, fleshy face, but his complexion and features were far more European than those of his father. Dark, broad, vibrant eyes were set beneath full eyebrows that curved down round the sides of the eyes. He wore a small mustache, and a well-trimmed beard framed his full face; following Islamic tradition, he occasionally tinted it with crimson or purple dyes. His fingers, rather short and stubby, were usually adorned with impressive gold rings set with sapphires, emeralds, or rubies. Shortly after coming to the Throne, Abd al-Ahad had himself photographed for an official portrait, and it is worth taking some time to examine the image, for undoubtedly this is how the Emir saw himself, and how he envisioned being remembered by history. In the photograph, Abd al-Ahad wears an incredibly rich purple brocade robe, much more elaborate than anything ever seen on his sedate father. The robe, which falls to the Emir's knees, is completely covered with intricate embroidery depicting circular designs composed of geometric shapes, ovals fringed with gold tassels, and front panels, a collar, cuffs, and banding of festooned scrolls and foliate motifs, all embroidered in gold thread. Large buttons of solid gold alternate with rubies and sapphires which have been sewn on as embellishments. Round his waist, Abd al-Ahad wears a thick sash of cloth of gold, itself sewn with diamonds edging diagonal silk moiré panels and ending in enormous tassels of gold bullion fringe. Above this, the robe's waist is circled by a row of pearl and gold buttons matching those on the front panels. Gold cloth and diamond studded epaulets top the shoulders, and across his chest stretches the blue silk moiré cordon of the the Imperial Order of St. Andrei, held in place by its diamond-encrusted Order Star. He proudly wears five additional order stars, some Russian, some personal awards from European monarchs, on the front panels of the robe's chest. Attached to his belt is a gold scabbard, engraved with scrollwork and set with multi-colored jewels, holding an equally impressive jeweled scimitar. His baggy trousers are of black silk although, to provide a striking contrast, he would often combine a dark robe with white pants. Although he habitually wore simple black leather boots, here Abd al-Ahad is adorned with a pair of heavily-tooled, multi-colored leather boots, painted in scarlet, gold, blue, and green, with carefully turned-up, pointed toes. Atop his dark hair, he wears a turban of green cloth, the color traditionally reserved for direct descendants of the Prophet Mohammad, patterned with gold and purple scroll designs.60 Every detail in this costume is meant to impress, providing a visible symbol of both his proud heritage and exalted position, but an elaborate evocation of the grandeur of the Bokharan Court. In this rich display, there is more than a hint of theatricality, as if some costume designer had been asked to conjure up everyone's vision of a fairytale prince from The Arabian Nights.

The Emir had every reason to display such opulence. He was undoubtedly the richest man in Bokhara, and one of the wealthiest in the Russian Empire. He owned vast tracts of land, each yielding its own profitable agricultural crop, mounds of valuable Astrakhan fur, and important stud. All of this income was added to the Bokhara Treasury, which the Emir, like Nicholas II himself in Russia, regarded as his own personal property. Within a few years of coming to the Throne, Abd al-Ahad is said to have possessed more than a dozen accounts in both Russian and European banks, whose holdings totaled nearly 75 million gold rubles. He kept 27 million gold rubles in his account at the Imperial Russian Bank, with another 7 million deposited in private Russian banks; further investments included accounts in Germany, Switzerland, Paris, Berlin, Rome, and London, as well as stock and real estate holdings. Such immense wealth enabled the Emir to shower the Romanovs with dazzling gifts on his annual visits to St. Petersburg or the Crimea.61

Abd al-Ahad was a quiet man, who preferred his country Palaces at Kermine and Shirbudun to life in the Bokharan capital. Here, freed from the stifling etiquette of the Court and surrounded by the countryside he loved, the Emir could relax with his family. In this, he was again quite different from his ancestors. In the late 1870s, he married one of the beautiful Persian slave girls from his father's Harem; unlike his father, Abd al-Ahad was satisfied with one wife, who was delightful and intelligent and shared his love of poetry. Although he kept a Harem for the sake of tradition, he ordered all former captured slaves freed, and only those who wished to stay did so. During his reign, the Harem eventually fell into disuse, no new girls were added, and the Emir himself never visited it, preferring the company of his wife.62

Abd al-Ahad had four sons by his wife, of whom only two survived to reach their majority. The first, Sayed Mir-Abdallah, was probably born within a year of the marriage, in 1878 or 1879. His father fully intended that he would inherit the Throne, and made arrangements for Mir-Abdallah to study in St. Petersburg when he reached the age of ten; just before this, however, the young Prince fell ill and died from either diphtheria or malaria, leaving his father distraught. The second son, Sayed Mir-Alim, was born on 3 January, 1880, and after his elder brother's death, became his father's heir. The third son, Sayed Mir-Hussein, was born in 1883 or 1884, and, like his older brother, died of diphtheria or malaria in 1889. The youngest son, Sayed Mir-Ibrahim, was born in 1903, late into the marriage.63

Sayed Mir-Alim, the second son and, after 1889, heir to his father's Throne, was a pale, delicate child; only his dark hair and slightly almond shaped eyes, very much like those of Nicholas II himself, betrayed his Central Asian ancestry. In 1892, when he was twelve, his father arranged for Mir-Alim to live and study in St. Petersburg. Father and son visited the Imperial capital in January, 1893, where the young Prince was enrolled as a cadet at the Nikolaievsky Military Academy. During this time, they stayed at the Winter Palace as guests of Alexander III, who brought his family to meet them; as it was the Season in the capital, the Emir was invited to attend several impressive Imperial balls during his stay in St. Petersburg, where he also attended gala performances of the opera, and a ballet at the Mariinsky Theatre.64

Alexander III promised Abd al-Ahad that he would personally supervise the young Prince's education, and he appointed a Russian tutor, Colonel Dyomin, to supervise the instruction and report Mir-Alim's progress to him. At the same time, the Emperor officially recognized the young boy as his father's legitimate heir. The Emir took his son to the Nikolaievsky Academy, where he met with officials and toured the facilities. In addition to Colonel Dyomin, the Emir also appointed a Bokharan tutor, Osman beg karaul-begi, who was charged with instructing his son in Arabic and in the Koran. Initially, Mir-Alim's course of education followed a plan which the Emperor himself had personally worked out; in 1896, however, the Emir decided that the program of instruction should be accelerated, with more emphasis on Islamic history and culture. He also ordered that Mir-Alim not be allowed to study subjects like astronomy or electricity, courses which the Emir himself feared were too sophisticated and too modern in nature for a future ruler of Bokhara.65

With his immediate domestic concerns addressed, Abd al-Ahad was forced to turn his attentions to a problem which had plagued his father: the threat posed by the majority of his brothers, few of who made any secret of their desire to sit upon the Throne. The severe manner in which Abd al-Ahad dealt with the threat, whether real or perceived, provided ammunition for his enemies, who accused him of being a despot. In looking at what took place, however, it is worth keeping in mind the difficulties Muzaffar had faced, and the very real threats his own sons had posed to his security, an uncertainty Abd al-Ahad inherited.

One of his elder brothers, Sayed Mir-Abd al-Mumin, held the post of beg of Khisar Province when Abd al-Ahad came to the Throne in 1885. Within a year of Abd al-Ahad's enthronement, however, Mir-Abd al-Mumin was discovered actively plotting a coup in which he planned to seize power. He was relieved of his position and, with his family, sent to Baisun, where they lived under house arrest. According to one Russian official, Mir-Abd al-Mumin was believed to be suffering from some mental breakdown. Fearing that his brother would flee to Afghanistan and there attempt to plot another coup, Abd al-Ahad had him and his family transferred to the Ark in Bokhara, where he remained under house arrest until his death in 1893 or 1894. His children remained under house arrest at the Ark until 1920, when the entire Dynasty was forced to flee the Bolsheviks.66

Abd al-Ahad's younger brother Sayed Mir-Abd as-Samat, who had previously been placed under strict supervision as beg of Chirakchi for his lavish spending and scandalous personal life, was also dealt with. On the night of 4 September 1886, he was relieved of his post, placed under arrest, and brought to Bokhara, where he was kept in the Ark for several years under strict supervision. Eventually, however, his brother relented, and Mir-Abd as-Samat was allowed to live in a villa in Bokhara's Khodja Gafur neighborhood under close house arrest.67

Muzaffar's seventh son, Sayed Mohammad Mir-Siddik, also fell into disgrace after 1885, although, in fairness to Abd al-Ahad, his father had also wished to relief him of his posts owing to his dissolute style of life, and died before he could order this done. Abd al-Ahad had his brother brought to Bokhara and placed under house arrest in the Ark; after several years, he, like Mir-Abd as-Samat, was allowed to take a house in a Bokharan suburb, where he lived under strict supervision until the arrival of the Bolsheviks in 1920 forced him to flee to Afghanistan. Muzaffar's two youngest sons, Sayed Mir-Azim and Sayed Mir-Nasir, were both kept under house arrest in the Ark for plotting against their father and brother.68

Not all of Abdal-Ahad's brothers, however, were subjected to such treatment. Sayed Mir-Akram, beg of Guzar, remained in his post until 1908, mute evidence that the Emir was not engaged in a systematic and tyrannical weeding out of all potential dynasts, as some of his critics claimed.69 Nor did Abd al-Ahad interfere in the life of his youngest brother, Mir-Mansur, who contained his career in the Russian Army, attaining the rank of 2nd Lieutenant in 1892, and 2nd Cavalry Captain in 1895. In 1899, he left the Imperial Army to marry a Russian Princess, Sophia Tsereteli, and Nicholas II granted him a life pension in exchange his services to the Crown. Mir-Mansur and Sophia had six children, four boys and two girls. The eldest son, Nicholas, remained in Russia and became one of the leading actors at the Moscow Theatre in the 1920s. The second son, Alexander, followed in his father's footsteps, entering the Russian Army and fighting in the First World War, winning several military awards for bravery, before being killed in a battle in March, 1918. In his later years, Mir-Mansur and his family returned to Bokhara to live, and he was appointed beg of Kermine Province. Like his second son, Mir-Mansur was killed in battle in March 1918. His widow and children remained in Bokhara after the Revolution, granted some 200,000 rubles by the Government in compensation for lost property.70

In general, though, Abd al-Ahad was a sympathetic figure. One of his first acts on acceding to the Throne was to abolish torture and severely restrict the use of capital punishment.71 He was particularly generous in his support of Muslim affairs. He ordered numerous Crown properties transferred to the Church, while it also received some 20,000 rubles a year in profits derived from certain agricultural lands owned by the Emir. He regularly donated enormous sums to help maintain the Mecca and Medina Shrines. He increased the number of charitable Islamic hospitals and shelters from 500 to 1,500, largely out of his own pocket, and paid the relocation expenses and salaries of hundreds of Islamic teachers and scholars who came to Bokhara from Constantinople.72 He also forbid the importation of alcohol into Bokhara, except for the wine and vodka dispatched from the Crimea for the Russian Embassy.73

The country over which Abd al-Ahad ruled was a multi-ethnic state, with a population of nearly 2.5 million; of this number, only 100,000 lived in the city of Bokhara itself, the rest scattered throughout the other major cities in the provinces, or farmers and peasants in the countryside.74 The majority of Bokharans were Uzbeks, descended from the nomadic tribes of the 16th Century. There were Tajiks, Turks, Persians, Indians, Afghans, Tartars, and Jews, as well as Russians who had moved to the capital in official capacities. Non-Muslim citizens were known as Dhimmis, and their status was protected under Bokharan law. Dhimmis-mainly Jews, Buddhists, and Hindus-were free to own private property, worship and profess their faith, and follow their own laws and cultural customs within their communities provided that these did not infringe on Bokharan State Law. In judicial matters, they were bound to abide by Islamic Law. The Russians who lived in Bokhara were not considered members of the Dhimmi class, and were exempt from all Bokharan and Islamic laws and restrictions.75

The Islamic population of Bokhara was divided into four main categories. Dekhani were the peasants who farmed their own land, while Sakhra Nishin were nomadic farmers and cattle breeders. The Ulema or Clergy formed its own caste. The final category, Khissori, were those who lived in towns; this was subdivided according to social class and trade: Amaldars, officials, formed the highest rank, followed by Kossib or craftsmen; and Sawdogari, the merchant class.76

Although the Emir stood at the head of the Government, the real power lay in the hands of his officials. The Kush-Beg-i, of Prime Minister, also served as Minister of the Interior, charged with general control of all governmental and Court affairs. As such, the man who held the office was nearly as powerful as the Emir himself, though archaic custom saddled his position with unenviable and time-consuming duties. One of his daily tasks was to collect the eleven gates to the capital's gates each night after they had been locked; no one-not even the Emir-had a second key. The Kush-Beg-i slept with the collected keys under his pillow, every morning he had to arise at three or four to distribute the keys to the gate keepers to allow passage in and out of the city. He was also Governor of the Ark, the Emir's Palace in the capital; when the Emir was absent from the capital, the Kush-Beg-i, by custom, had to remain within the Ark in his place, and could not leave on threat of execution. In some cases, this meant weeks, months, and even years spent behind its massive walls.77

When Abd al-Ahad came to the Throne, he kept Mohammad Sharif, who had served as his father's Kush-Beg-i, in his post. He was one of the few men the Emir trusted completely, and his knowledge of governmental affairs made him an invaluable asset to the youthful Abd al-Ahad. Unfortunately, he did not remain in power long. Amongst his more onerous duties, Mohammad Sharif was charged with personally confiscating revenue from criminals and re-possessing stolen property. On one of these routine visits in 1888, he encountered resistance, and was killed with a pistol shot by the man whose assets he was attempting to seize. In one of the last acts of traditional Bokharan cruelty Abd al-Ahad was to allow in his reign, he followed Islamic custom, and turned the guilty man over to Mohammad Sharif's family and servants for punishment. The assassin was tortured over a period of days by the Kush-Beg-i's former servants before finally being put to death.78

Below the Kush-Beg-i were the Kazai Kaylan, the highest Islamic spiritual authority in Bokhara, who was responsible for both the Judiciary and the running of the Madrassahs, or schools, in the country; and the Divan Beg-i, who served as Minister of Finance and Treasurer of the Emirate Court.79 These three men together controlled the entire Bokharan Government, ruling and military classes, which were divided into one of two different estates: Sepoys, military officials; and Amaldars, civic officials. Under the first category were the Bokharan Army and the country's police force, while the second included all bureaucrats, whether central or local.80

Many of these powerful positions were filled by members of the most elite families in Bokhara, including the Sayeds, the Khajis, and Pirs.81 Amaldars were divided into fifteen ranks, from Atalki to Bahadur. This included the numerous begs, or provincial governors, who were charged with maintaining order throughout the countryside. Most Amaldars wore varied costumes of silk robes with colorful sashes; their chests carried the silver badges of their offices, a difference also distinguished in the decoration, curve, length, and material of their ceremonial sabers. All wore boots finely balanced on stiletto high heels.82

Although officials received salaries, and were entitled to percentages of tax and judicial incomes, many were terribly greedy, and the Amaldors ranks were rife with corruption, open bribery, and graft. In an attempt to halt this draining of state monies, the Emir instituted strict punishments, which called for the imprisonment of any official caught engaging in such behavior, and the seizure of all his property by the state. Most Amaldars, however, were crafty enough to get round this, and simply concealed their enormous ill-gotten wealth by living modestly and appearing in the most drab of clothes. One of these men, Astanakul-beg-bey, Beg of Khisar Province, was particularly corrupt, but was careful to hide these gains. One visitor, arriving at his modest house, was taken aback when he was led into the basement, which was literally filled with bags of gold and silver he had pilfered from the state.83

The Islamic clergy stood apart, a distinct class in Bokharan society, ruled by council. They controlled not only religious life, but all judicial and educational facilities, appointments, and decisions in the country. A special rank, the Rais, was charged with monitoring public morality, and was empowered to arrest any offender. The controlling Islamic force were the Sunnis, while Shiite Muslims were a small but vocal minority. Since the clergy supervised the educational system, and Bokharan madrassahs were traditionally hotbeds of reactionary thought, there was often student unrest when the Government made any political appointment which even hinted at change, especially if a Shiite was the nominee. Thus the clergy in Bokhara was a highly-politicized institution, which often clashed with the Emir's Government and had the power to force his hand if they elected.84

Traditionally, agriculture dominated Bokhara's economy, the principal crops being wheat and vegetables; by the end of the 19th Century, cotton was also a major export corp. Livestock was largely confined to breeding of cattle and sheep. Most of Bokhara's agricultural land lay through the Zeravshan River Valley, a rich, fertile plain with plentiful access to water for irrigation.85

Trade formed an important segment of the 19th Century Bokharan economy with Russian being the principal partner. The Empire purchased the Protectorate's cotton, wheat, produce, cattle, and sheep, along with Astrakhan fur, carpets, textiles, leather goods, pottery, wool, silks, and spices.86 The work of Bokharan craftsmen was highly refined and prized in Russia, especially their carpets, silks, and tooled leather goods. These craftsmen were treated with great respect, following the pronouncement of the Prophet Mohammad that such men were "friends of the Almighty." There were thirty-two official craft guilds in the capital, each with its own rules and regulations, turning out these goods under the careful supervision of the Guild Master.87

Bokharan Jews also formed their own craft guilds. In the capital, there was a large Jewish Quarter, with synagogues, markets, and even schools, the latter established under the patronage and protection of Abd al-Ahad. In general, the Emir was a tolerant ruler, and he eased some previous restrictions on his Jewish citizens, receiving their delegations and allowing them to set up their own trade business with Russia. Certain regulations, however, remained in place. Jews, for example, were forbidden to wear bright robes, and clothing made of silk, and nor could they wear turbans; much of this was insignificant and petty. Another rule, established by the Church and endorsed by Muzaffar, decreed that Jews were not allowed to ride horses. When Abd al-Ahad attempted to change this, he was met with firm resistance on the part of the controlling Shiite faction, which threatened student unrest and violence if the restriction was eased. In the end, the Emir was forced to back down. It was not the first, and would not be the last, time in which he found himself at dangerous odds with the all-powerful religious leaders.88

At the lowest end of the social scale were Bokhara's peasants, divided almost equally between the poor who lived in the cities, farmers in the countryside, nomadic cattle breeders, and the multitude of thousands of families who continued to live as their ancestors had, moving their tents and few possessions from one part of the Protectorate to another with the changing seasons. Despite the paucity of their material wealth, these people were most loyal to the Emir, who remained a distant symbol, and they never held him accountable for their lot in life. Most of the non-nomadic peasants lived in small clay huts, surrounded by the occasional cow or goat. They were fatalistic, simple in their beliefs and, above all, generous to a fault. According to the rules of Islam, if a believer arrived on their door, the owner of the house was honor-bound to feed and house him, even if it meant his own family having to go hungry.89

Western visitors to Bokhara never ceased to be amazed at the magnificent array of costumes to be found here, even amongst the poorest peasants. The precise cut and shading of these clothes was dictated by tradition, with certain fabrics and colors reserved for various social classes. By tradition, most peasants wore simple robes of their own making, sewn from drab cotton or wool, with flat shoes covered with leather side panels; the turbans, also of cotton or muslin, were often hand-dyed in vibrant scarlet, gold, blue, or purple, only green being forbidden as a color reserved exclusively for the Emir and his family. Craftsmen and those engaged in trades sported cotton or half-silk robes, with white turbans and low boots covered with leather side panels.90 Richer merchants could be seen in richer robes of crimson or purple silk or velvet, embroidered with festoons or flame-like decorations in gold thread, or sewn with panels of patterned silk or cotton.91 Of all groups, the clergy cut the most impressive figure, in robes of gray watered silk, with enormous turbans decorated with jewels and hand-tooled leather boots with curved toes. Each of the religious sects with the Muslim community had its distinct outfit, the dervishes being the most extravagant, with rough wool robes embroidered in gold thread with verses from the Koran in stylized Arabic lettering, tall fur hats trimmed in velvet and gold thread, and thick leather cords round their waists from which hung dried pumpkins, hollowed out and used as purses or water bottles.92

In the first decade of his reign, Abd al-Ahad faithfully ruled his subjects from the Ark in Bokhara. The city which spread round this ancient citadel was low, its skyline pierced only by the occasional minaret or blue-tiled dome from one of its 300 mosques. Although, by the end of the 19th Century, it struck many visitors as drab and colorless, it was not always so. Marco Polo, passing through in the 13th Century, elaborate and impressive buildings, rimmed with gilt and decorated with panels of mosaic tiles, beaten copper, and bronze, which glowed like second suns under the rich southern sky.(93) Nearly all of this former splendor had vanished over the passing centuries, pillaged by warring factions who occupied the city and carried away its treasures.

The old, inner city was ringed by a formidable, thick stone wall, thirteen feet high and just over nine miles long, topped with merlons. Originally built in 830, they were destroyed in 1220 by Genghis Khan's invading army, only to be rebuilt fourteen years later, thicker and stronger than ever.94 Eleven gates, set between tall towers, provided the only access to the center. These wooden gates, encased in iron frames and reinforced with iron cross bars, were a foot thick, and some fifteen feet high, providing a nearly impregnable barrier to unwelcome visitors or those intent on invading the city. Each night at 8PM, these gates were locked, and the keys taken to the Kush-Beg-i at the Ark, remaining barred until 4AM the following morning.95

Beyond these gates, narrow, dusty streets, lined with row upon row of low, clay houses, snaked their ways toward the center of the city. These streets were so small that it was impossible for two carts or carriages to pass; if they ran into such a block, one of the convoys would have to turn into a side street, or back up, until the other could pass by. The city was divided into distinct neighborhoods, or mahallahs, each with its own mosque and madrassah. Although the streets had some small shops and there were a few parks with lakes and supple shade trees, the majority of buildings in the old town were houses. Wood was scarce here, used mainly for beams and a few decorative elements. Merchants typically owned clay and brick houses, with a central courtyard separating the living quarters at the rear from their shops, facing the street. Glass was even more rare and costly than wood; most windows were simply covered with glazed oil paper, which allowed a minimum of light to filter in to the interior, and provided no view of ventilation. It was unusual to find a stove or fireplace inside a house; the climate in Bokhara was rarely cold, and cooking was generally done over a fire pit in the courtyard. If the owners kept any livestock, they were housed in small clay sheds built against the outer walls of the house or shop. Wealthy merchants, Amaldars, and civic officials had similar, though more elaborate, houses, often two storeys, again centered on a courtyard, but offering the additional protection of galleries or wooden balconies. The interiors, too, were richer, with more wood, real glass windows, decorative fireplaces, colorful mosaic tiles on the walls and thick Oriental carpets on the floors.96

The main roads crossed these mahallahs, leading to the Registan, or Central Square. Bordering either side of Registan Square were two of Bokhara's most important and impressive architectural monuments: the Great Friday Kalyan Mosque, which could hold up to 10,000 worshippers, and the Kalyan Minaret; and the Mir-i-Arab Madrassah, the oldest and most respected educational facility in the capital. The 150 foot high Kalyan Minaret was one of Bokhara's darkest and most sinister landmarks. For centuries, Emirs had traditionally thrown their enemies and convicted prisoners from its heights, watching as they fell to their agonizing deaths on the rough square below. One of Abd al-Ahad's first decrees on becoming Emir in 1885 was to forbid this manner of public execution.97

At the end of the Square stood the Ark, the Emir's Palace. The first building on the site was erected in 200 AD, lasting until the 7th Century, when it was sacked by the invading Muslims.98 Rebuilt in the 8th Century, it was again largely destroyed in 1220 by Genghis Khan and his soldiers. It remained in a ruined state for several centuries, until Mohammad Shaybani was proclaimed Emir of Bokhara in the 15th Century and decided to make the Ark his main residence. In the 16th Century, Abdullah Khan II greatly increased the size of the complex, adding outer walls, a new Harem complex, ceremonial rooms, and tall towers.99 Over the following four centuries, the Ark was subjected to enemy bombardment and raids, crumbling the outer walls, but leaving the interior of the complex largely complete. By the reign of Muzaffar, the ancient citadel had been restored, and remained intact until the Bolsheviks captured the city in 1920.

From the Square, a steep ramp, lined by low walls, rose to the Ark's portal; outer walls, ringed with small, round towers, circled the area surrounding the Square. The old citadel walls, rising steeply from the crumbling hillside, were crowned with small towers and battlements. At the head of the ramp was the great main door, set beneath a thirty foot high Moorish arch whose sides and interior was decorated with blue and white mosaic tiles. On either side were tall, slender towers with open galleries at the top. Above the the top of the arch, a row of slender windows looked out to the Square; directly over this was an open arcade, on which the Emir would appear on ceremonial occasions to his subjects gathered in the Square below. At the center, the arcade was closed, and a large gilded clock face from Italy hung on a wooden panel. When he became Emir, Abd al-Ahad had the portal enlivened: parts of the towers and wall were reconstructed in the traditional Islamic ablaq design, with bands of contrasting stone alternating with the drab red of the clay; the twin towers were raised and capped with new domed, gilded roofs and finials; and the old wooden arcade replaced with a more elaborate balcony of gilded and carved fretwork and polylobate columns, providing a more opulent stage on which the Emir could enact his public viewings.100

Day and night, standing diligently before the portal's wood and iron gates, two young men from the Emir's Personal Suite did guard duty. Abd al-Ahad himself helped design their new uniforms: loose, white pantaloons drawn tight at the ankle and tucked into low leather boots with curved toes; knee-length scarlet tunics adorned with epaulets and sashes of gold thread, leather shoulder belts holding the scabbards for the curved swords; and broad, Astrakhan fur hats. The right of passage beyond these men was reserved to all but a handful of Bokhara's most influential and powerful Amaldars and clergy.101

A turn of the century foreign visitor, granted entrance, later wrote of the scene on walking through these gates: "A narrow, sloping passage, evidently made to admit a horse, rose, with queer, dark, cell-like rooms off it at intervals-the sleeping quarters of the soldiers and perhaps places of detention also."102 Dark passages and narrow staircases twisted to the old torture chambers far below. At the head of the ramp, a second archway opened to the Grand Ceremonial Courtyard, decorated in mosaics in the 16th Century. On the right, a long, low building contained the Emir's stables; across the court, double arcades faced a small mosque, used by the Emir for private prayer. The Palace itself stood on the highest point of the reach, enclosing two sides of the Ceremonial Court. When the Emir was in residence, more than 3,000 people-family, courtiers, servants, bureaucrats, and prisoners-lived within its walls. The Kush-Beg-i had his own, extensive suite of rooms; next to these was the Emir's Treasury, the Court Mint, and the Harem. There were a number of state and reception rooms, the great, two-storeyed Banqueting Hall, and the Divan Hall, where the Emir's ivory and gilt throne stood on a crimson-carpeted dais, in clear imitation of European models.103

The city, which spread round these architectural ensembles, pulsed with a rich, vibrant life. Richly-robed men, wearing the traditional tubachek or skull cap, crowded the streets, engaging in business deals, trading, or sitting in groups at small tables, playing cards or dominoes which puffing away on their Hookahs. Unlike other Islamic countries, women in Bokhara were not sequestered or veiled, and were free to go about their business in public without fear of recrimination. They visited the bazaars, shopped, and sat round the city parks, gossiping and doing needlework and embroidery.

Residents and visitors alike were drawn to the famous bazaars. Bokhara featured nearly fifty distinct markets; some were long, covered affairs, lined with tables and vendors, while the majority were simple wooden stalls, each offering its own unique wares. Here could be found rich furs, spices from India and the Orient, hand-tooled leather goods, tobacco, wool, silks, colorful local carpets, Astrakhan-trimmed hats and coats, pottery, copper work, furniture, plates, and silver and gold jewelry. Other stalls offered services: barbers, shoe repair, knife sharpening, weaving, and embroideries. Then there was food, an exotic mixture of cultures and smells both Eastern and Western: roasted lamb rubbed with garlic, Turkish coffee, rice flavored with saffron, fried potatoes, broiled vegetables, and an assortment of breads and pastries.104

The bazaars hummed with life: shouts, laughter, wandering musicians, singers, and the screams of young children as they chased each other round the stalls in games of tag. Bazaars also offered two particularly amusements unique to Bokhara. The first of these were the Bachas, groups of professional boys who dressed and danced as women. One foreign visitor wrote: "As he began to dance, a barefooted bacha stood on tiptoes. He held his left leg straight and jumped lightly on it, keeping time to the music. His right leg was bent in the knee and now and then he would touch his left leg with it. He kept his elbows raised throughout the dance. He put his palms to his face and took them away in time to the music. At some point the bacha clapped his hands together several times but more frequently joined his palms, put them to his face and snapped his fingers loudly in time to the music." The second group were the Court Clowns, or maskarabazes; long kept by medieval European monarchs and princes, such amusements had fallen into disfavor in the West, but remained a great tradition in Bokhara. "One of the clowns," wrote the visitor, "would make a silly face and pretend to catch and eat flies, while the other would fight a stick wrapped in a woman's gown. The stick got the better of him. He put up with it, began to court and caress it, and make compliments to it evoking reciprocity. However in the end the stick beat him all the same. The clown who had bent double and was screaming wild hit himself on the back with the stick reaching from under his leg so that the stick seemed to act independently. Then the two clowns gave a rhyming performance imitating two dogs who meet, a tom cat in love with a female cat, two rival tom cats, a cock fight, croaking frogs, an stubborn donkey and its driver. Then they imitated people. They did a sketch on a village idiot visiting a city market, and also on a town scoundrel."105

This frenzied activity came to a sudden halt at five in the afternoon; those who had come from outside the old city quickly packed their carts and made their ways through the narrow streets to one of the eleven gates, before they were all solemnly locked at 7PM. Once locked, and the keys delivered to the Kush-Beg-i at the Ark, they remained closed until 4AM the following morning, and were never opened. Bokhara had a strict curfew; after the city gates were locked, it was forbidden to enter the streets on threat of arrest. Most citizens simply accepted this as common sense; after all, what possible good could anyone be up to leaving his house after dark, when he should be at home praying? Only thieves and murderers, they reasoned, were likely to venture out after curfew. The only exception to this rule was made for doctors and midwives.106

From behind the ancient walls of the Ark, Abd al-Ahad ruled his Protectorate. Those who had expected a traditional, reactionary sovereign who would follow in his father's footsteps were quickly surprised at the new Emir's course of action. Abd al-Ahad may occasionally have lapsed into despotic behavior, or provided his numerous enemies with evidence to use against him, but at heart he was a moderate man, liberal in many ways, and a dedicated reformer.

Much to the consternation of many of his subjects, the Emir positively embraced his country's previously uneasy relationship with Russia. The Empire's agreements with Muzaffar had always been forced; Abd al-Ahad, however, instigated new treaties and ties, designed to strengthen the bond between the two countries and at the same time improve Bokhara's economic position. With Russian funding, the Emir financed Bokharan mining and production of gold, copper, and iron; to carry these as well as other goods, he readily accepted Bokharan membership in the Russian Customs Network. Russian workmen laid down the lines, and by the mid-1890s, Bokhara was connected to the Empire by the Trans-Caspian Railway Line, as well as by Hughes Telegraph.107 Abd al-Ahad also financed the building of Bokhara's first modern hospital in 1894, paying for Russian staff to come and train his country's men and women as capable doctors and nurses.108

The Emir also instigated a sweeping reform of the Bokharan Army in 1896. When Abd al-Ahad came to the Throne, Muzaffar's former fighting force of 40,000 had dwindled to a badly trained, ill-equipped band of some 10,000. Abd al-Ahad immediately raised pay and provided additional incentives of bonuses and land to those who joined. As a boy, he had always enjoyed watching the soldiers drill on the parade ground at Kermine, and had a great liking for military life. He envied enormously his younger brother Mir-Mansur, who was allowed to join the Imperial Army as a career. From Mir-Mansur, and by observing formations of Russian soldiers on his visits to St. Petersburg, he saw mute evidence of just how badly trained his own forces were. He paid several visits to Russian encampments to watch the soldiers drill, and was particularly impressed at the formation of a Cossack convoy. When he returned to Bokhara, he brought with him more than a hundred Russian soldiers and officers, at his personal expense, to help train his own men. He completely re-organized the Bokharan Army, splitting it into regular divisions of cavalry, artillery and infantry units. He spent thousands of rubles from his private fortune to buy new uniforms designed according to Russian and European lines for his men, and nearly a million rubles on new horses and modern artillery. This last proved something of a sticking point with the Russian Army, which at one point refused to provide the Emir with any further rifles; Abd al-Ahad got round this simply enough, taking his money to Europe and purchasing Italian, German and French arms.109

All of these changes and innovations did not sit well with the majority of Abd al-Ahad's more vehement Islamic subjects, and there were frequent clashes with the clergy and government over the merest hint that Bokhara was falling under Russian influence. The Army Reforms of 1896 proved the last straw: a year later, the Shiites angrily denounced Abd al-Ahad as a traitor to Islam. After several uncomfortable meetings, the Emir simply backed his bags and declared that he would not remain in the capital in the face of such opposition. In 1897, along with his wife and personal suite, he left the Ark and city of Bokhara for the country palace at Shirbudun, never to return.110

Abd al-Ahad appointed a three man Council of State to look after affairs in the capital, consisting of the Qadi Kaylan, or Chief Judge; the Governor of the Ark; and his private secretary. The secretary served as Abd al-Ahad's official eyes and ears in the capital. Every week, he carried state papers to Shirbudun for the Emir's signature. Occasionally, Abd al-Ahad would receive delegations and officials, but he had all but disappeared as an active political force within the Bokharan Government.111

Shirbudun was situated in a warm, fertile river valley some thirty miles north of Bokhara. Irrigation ditches from the river brought water to the garden, which was filled with shade trees, beds of colorful flowers, fountains, and reflecting pools. Abd al-Ahad himself wrote that Shiburdun "is our favorite nook, where we spend the greater part of the year. All our European guests found it charming." Under Abd al-Ahad's tenure, the size of the enormous Palace was more than doubled, with lavish attention to Western niceties and comfort.112 Shiburdun was a long, two-storeyed complex, with numerous wings wrapped round courtyards and terraces paved in marble; galleries, colonnades, and carved wooden jarokha provided sheltered views over the lawns and garden. The Palace was built of local stone and brick, whitewashed, and set with painted wall panels of crimson. Marble pilasters supported the carved wooden cornice, decorated with intricate fretwork. Some of the lower walls were covered with mosaic tiles, others with decorative plaster reliefs. Classical Ionic and Corinthian columns mingled with Moorish arches and windows covered with jalti screens. The large, ceremonial Hall of Mirrors was the largest room, rising two storeys to an elaborately coffered and gilded ceiling from which hung five massive ormolu chandeliers. One wall was pierced with arched, floor-to-ceiling windows, covered with gilded jalti; the other walls were faced with mirrors, set between marble panels and pilasters, to a height of twelve feet; above this, rising to the ceiling, the walls were faced with low relief Moorish arches set between marble pilasters.113

In 1900, not content with the two hundred rooms of Shirbudun, Abd al-Ahad built a second, smaller palace set within the garden as a private villa for his wife and visiting children. This was a fanciful structure, based on Islamic and Moorish styles, but an unmistakably eclectic mixture of Baroque, Neo-Renaissance, and Gothic elements which clearly placed it in the 19th Century. The crimson facade of the two-storey building was adorned with exaggerated plaster festoons and scrolls in contrasting white, with stylized polylobate pilasters holding aloft a cornice of carved and gilded fretwork. The walls of the principal room, the White Hall, were ringed with arcades of alabaster columns set between polychrome marble panels. From the center of the domed ceiling hung an ormolu and crystal chandelier. The Drawing Room contained apses with exquisitely-carved muqarnas to add an Islamic contrast to the gilded and overstuffed French Louis XVI-revival furniture and jungle of potted palms.114

As the years passed, Abd al-Ahad increasingly suffered from pain in his legs. In 1892, he was treated by Russian doctors, who provided some relief, but he still had difficulty in walking, especially in the winter. Finally, the doctors recommended that the Emir spend winters away from the cold, damp Bokharan climate. Effectively removed from power in Bokhara, Abd al-Ahad purchased two country estates in Russia: a villa in the Caucasus, and a magnificent new palace at Yalta in the Crimea. From 1900 onward, he would spend only four or five months a year in his own country, always at Shiburdun.115

Abd al-Ahad's relationship with Nicholas II began in 1882, when he visited St. Petersburg with his father and met Alexander III and his family. A year later, he again encountered Tsesarevich Nicholas during the balls and receptions surrounding Alexander III's Coronation in Moscow. Thirteen years later, he returned to Moscow, this time as Emir, for another Coronation, that of Nicholas II himself, where he left a considerable impression on those he encountered. Americans were particularly taken with his picturesque robes. Kate Koon, a young woman from Chicago, was seated in a Tribune on Cathedral Square to watch the formal processions, when she spotted Abd al-Ahad. "The Emir of Bokhara," she wrote, "distinguished by his jewels and rich dress, was one of the most interesting of the men pointed out to us."116 And John Logan, attending a ball given by the Moscow Nobility, recalled: "Among the throng were the Emir of Bokhara, clothed in scarlet robes heavy with gold embroidery and wearing an immense fur head-dress."117 The Emir accepted invitations to all the most important and prestigious events surrounding the 1896 festivities, including the Coronation Ball in the Grand Kremlin Palace; more than a dozen balls and dinners; and the infamous ceremonies at Khodynka Meadow, where the Emir was one of Nicholas II's guests in the Imperial Pavilion. When he departed Moscow, he had lavished expensive gifts on the newly crowned Imperial couple and their relatives, leaving a highly-favorable impression on those who he had encountered.

Nicholas was quite taken with Abd al-Ahad, and invited the Emir to stay at Peterhof and Tsarskoye Selo during his visits to his son Mir-Alim. Abd al-Ahad grew to love Russia as a second home, and was himself warmly embraced by the Russians. He was generous as well: in 1892, during the famine which swept across Russia, Abd al-Ahad donated some 100,000 gold rubles to import grain and distribute food to the most affected regions.118 He also bought and presented Nicholas II's Imperial Navy with a modern destroyer, Bokhara.119 In the summer of 1904, in the midst of the catastrophic Russo-Japanese War, Abd al-Ahad donated more than a million gold rubles to the Russian War Ministry, and other funds were sent to the Russian Red Cross to help establish and equip field hospitals in Manchuria. He also presented a number of important gold coins, ancient pottery, and other pieces to the Russian Government to help establish the Museum of the Turkestan Archeological Society, and was Patron of the Turkestan Charity Society.120

The Emir was also patron and financial sponsor of the 5th Orenburg Cossack Regiment of the Imperial Army, to which he was dedicated; Nicholas II made him the Regiment's Honorary Colonel-in-Chief, and the Emir was also elected Hetman of the Terek Cossack Regiment. Abd al-Ahad was richly rewarded for all of his charitable contributions to the Empire. Nicholas II awarded him the Russian Imperial Orders of St. Vladimir, St. Alexander Nevsky, and St. Andrei, which the Emir proudly wore next to the Italian Order of the 1st degree and the French Order of the Honorary Legion. Abd al-Ahad was also made a Cavalry-General in the Imperial Army, and given the Court rank of General-Adjutant, aide-de-camp to the Emperor himself. As a final mark of Imperial favor, Nicholas II created the Abd al-Ahad a Russian Prince, with the style of Highness.121

Such obvious distinctions were mute testament to the close friendship which existed between Abd al-Ahad and Nicholas II. This relationship was reinforced nearly every year, during the annual visits to the Crimea. At the turn of the century, Abd al-Ahad purchased a large plot of land on the hillside above Yalta, near the Imperial estate of Massandra and had a landscaped garden lain out in terraces above the Black Sea. To build his new Palace, he commissioned the Russian architect Tarasov, one of the foremost authorities on Moorish and Islamic architecture working in the Empire. The new Palace was designed after North African models, but included an eclectic mixture of Islamic, Byzantine, Italian, and French elements. The two-storey Palace followed the slope of the site, with wings built up, or thrust out to embrace interior courtyards circled with loggias; towers; porticos; and arcades, all in dazzling white which stood out against the lush green backdrop. Polylobate pilasters with intricate chattri capitals and muqarnas arches mingled with slender blue pillars in the arcades, and the Corinthian columns supporting circular balconies overlooking the sea; the facade was pierced with a variety of windows, some square, some arched, decorated with mosaic tile borders, with clear or stained glass, covered on the inland side with traditional jalti screens. Above the cornice ran a crenellated parapet, shielding the low, red-tiled roof. The rooms inside carried hints of Moorish and Islamic details in the arches, apses, walls tiled with blue and white mosaics, coffered ceilings and wall decorations, but the Emir and his wife furnished them with heavy, over-stuffed and gilded Louis XVI-revival furniture manufactured by Gambs Brothers in St. Petersburg, providing a jarring contrast to the subtle exterior.

The Emir and his wife came here every spring and fall. The warm southern air and sunshine greatly relieved the pain in Abd al-Ahad's legs, providing him with a convenient excuse to linger in the Crimea while his Ruling Council conducted the business of state in Bokhara. When the Imperial Family stayed to Livadia, the Emir usually visited them several times. His appearance never failed to delight and impress the Russians. The children particularly looked forward to his visits, as he showered them with toys and other expensive gifts.122

Anna Vyrubova remembered Abd al-Ahad as "a big, handsome Oriental, in a long black coat, and a white turban glittering with diamonds and rubies. He seemed intensely interested in the comparative simplicity of Russian Imperial customs."123 Tatiana Botkin, daughter of Court Physician Eugene Botkin, was at Livadia one day when she saw a line of polished black landaus pull up the drive and halt at the main entrance. Sneaking her head round the corner, she saw "a big, tall man, in a caftan embroidered with gold, and an immaculate white turban decorated with aigrettes." The scene was so exotic that she ran to find her father, who explained that it was the Emir of Bokhara and his suite.124

Abd al-Ahad was always accompanied by an entourage of aides, doctors, secretaries, and Bokharan representatives, "dressed in long, Oriental robes of bright colors, with white turbans," as Baron Wrangell-Rokoassowsky later wrote.125 These men were all extremely tall, with long beards dyed bright red, and clothed in exquisitely embroidered robes. "They were real figures out of the Arabian Nights," Baroness Sophie Buxhoeveden later wrote, "and looked as if any of the Arabian Nights adventures might have been theirs."126 Among this colorful group, one figure stood out in his plain Imperial Army uniform: this was Captain S. R. Asfendiarov, Governor-General of Turkestan, who served as Abd al-Ahad's personal translator. Although the Emir himself spoke perfect Russian, Bokharan Court protocol officially forbid him from greeting any dignitary or fellow sovereign in anything but his native tongue. Only when he was alone with the Imperial Family did Abd al-Ahad ignore protocol and converse freely with them in Russian.127

The Emir also regularly visited other Romanovs in the Crimea, and never failed to call on the Yusupovs when they were at Koreiz or Kokoz. During one of these visits, lunch was served on the terrace, and the young Prince Felix saw a chance to exchange the tray of regular cigarettes which would be passed round after the meal for one filled with exploding cigarettes he had discovered in a small shop in Paris. When the meal ended, Felix later wrote, "the butler handed round a tray of cigarettes with the coffee and liqueurs. With the Emir's permission everybody lit one. Then hell broke loose in the form of a magnificent display of fireworks which caused such a panic among the guests that they rushed outside, thinking than an attempt had been made upon their lives. I was in fits of laughter at the success of the fake cigarettes I had bought in Paris. My laughter gave me away, and I was severely reprimanded by my father. A few days later, however, to everyone's astonishment, the Emir returned and pinned a diamond and ruby star on my breast. It was one of his country's most exalted decorations. He also asked to be photographed with me. He alone had appreciated the joke!"128

When he left Livadia, the Emir once again distributed extravagant gifts to the Imperial Family and members of their Suite. Anna Vyrubova recalled "costly diamonds and rubies" presented to Nicholas and Alexandra, and his Personal Orders decorated with jewels to members of the Emperor's Suite.129 On one occasion, Grand Duchess Olga Alexandrovna, the Emperor's sister who was staying at Livadia, was surprised when the Emir lavished upon her "an enormous gold necklace from which, like tongues of flame, hung tassels of rubies."130

The Emir was no less munificent toward his Islamic subjects. In 1909, he asked Nicholas for permission to build a mosque in St. Petersburg for the use of not only those Bokharans who lived in the capital but also other Muslims, who had place to worship. The Emperor agreed to this proposal, and Abd al-Ahad donated 300,000 rubles to buy a large plot of land facing Kronversky Avenue, directly opposite the walls of the Fortress of St. Peter and St. Paul, and only a block down the boulevard from the mansion of ballerina Mathilde Kschessinska. He also gave 100,000 rubles to help pay for construction, and raised donations of another 200,000 rubles from the Craft Guilds on Bokhara.131

Two architects, Van Holen, N. V. Vassiliev, consulted on the project, but the building was actually designed by Stephan Krichinsky. He modeled the new structure on the Gur-i-Mir Mausoleum in Samarkand, a 13th Century monument designed to house the body of Tamerlane's favorite grandson. Major decorative work was carried out by A. Gogen and a number of craftsmen sent from Bokhara itself, while Peter Vaulin supervised the mosaic tile work on the exterior and interior.132

The Mosque was a traditional structure, with two slim minarets and a tall central dome covered in blue and white mosaic tiles laid in geometric patterns. The entrance portal, beneath a Moorish arch, was decorated with murals and blue, white, green, gold, and crimson mosaic tiles. The Hall inside was seventy feet high, its coffered ceiling of carved and gilded chattri held aloft by thick columns faced in green marble. The lower walls were faced in alternating mosaic and marble panels; above them, polylobate pilasters supported low-relief Moorish arches decorated with gilded inscriptions from the Koran in stylized Arabic letters. From the center of the dome's interior hung a massive, four-tiered ormolu chandelier containing more than five hundred candles.133

In February 1910, Abd al-Ahad came to St. Petersburg to witness the consecration of the new Mosque. A correspondent for The Times of London reported: "The opening of the first Mosque in St. Petersburg today was the occasion for a great Mussulman festival. The Emir of Bokhara, the donor of the site and chief contributor to the cost of construction of the handsome edifice, took a leading part in the ceremonies, which were attended by the staffs of the Turkish Embassy and Persian Legation. The Chief Mullah offered a fervent prayer for the welfare of the Tsar and the Imperial Family, and the Moslem congregation loyally responded. The Emir and his suite were entertained in the evening at Tsarskoye Selo."134

Despite such benevolent gestures, Abd al-Ahad increasingly came to be viewed by many of Bokharan subjects as a ruler in exile, a despotic figure whose obvious comfort with the Russians seemed confirmation of what they took as his contempt for his country and Islamic tradition. By 1910, he was openly denounced by many Bokharans, without justification, as "a libertine, a tyrant, a glutton and a hypocrite."135 Another Bokharan critic wrote: "The gentleness ascribed to him by Russians who did not know him well was entirely unlike his nature, which was very cruel and intolerant of opposition and innovations."136 Soon, voices were raised in all quarters: the Emir, said the Sunni and Shiite Muslims, had all but abandoned his high office, in favor of closer ties with the Russian Empire. This could only signal disdain for his Islamic heritage, and they saw in the Emir's actions the true cause for declining Bokharan influence and prestige. Others accused the Emir of being too reactionary, opposing closer ties with the Russian Empire and the undoubted wealth it could bring to the Protectorate.137

This growing tension came to a head in 1910, just as the Emir was celebrating the dedication of the new Mosque in St. Petersburg. A few years earlier, Abd al-Ahad had appointed as Kush-Beg-i a Shiite Muslim; the Sunni Muslim majority met the move with immediate protests and student strikes. The situation in Bokhara erupted in early December 1910, when the Kush-Beg-i allowed the Shiite Muslims to openly celebrate the Ashura religious holiday, previously forbidden by the Shiites. Bokharan streets were filled with not only striking students, but merchants, peasants, and even clergy, all engaged in violent confrontation including rock throwing, fist-fights and, inevitably, murder.138

Abd al-Ahad appealed to Nicholas II for assistance, and the Emperor ordered Russian troops into Bokhara to subdue the insurrection.139 The Emir hurried back to his country, arriving a few days after the Russians forced a truce and stood in the capital's streets armed with rifles. The entire episode, coupled with the mounting criticism, took its toll on Abd al-Ahad's already declining health. Distraught over recent events, he fell ill, suffering from stress; in his weakened state, the pain in his legs grew worse, and he had trouble sleeping. In fact, like Alexander III, Abd al-Ahad was suffering from nephritis, but the disease had advanced too far; on 22 December 1910, Abd al-Ahad died at Kermine Palace. He was fifty-one.140

Abd al-Ahad was greatly mourned by the Imperial Family. His thirty-year-old son Sayed Mir-Alim immediately succeeded him. The new Emir returned to Bokhara for both his father's funeral and his ceremonial enthronement in the Ark. Like his father, however, he disliked life in the Bokharan capital, and quickly retreated to the Palace of Shirbudun. Here, he re-instituted the Harem, which had previously fallen into abeyance, only now, Mir-Alim's Harem was tailored to his own personal tastes. For the sake of appearance, he had a hundred young women installed in one wing; the other, the only wing that Mir-Alim entered, was filled with young boys. Some were captured prisoners, others, epicene members of the Bacha dancing troops. Word of the new Emir's preference for beautiful young men soon reached the capital but, having gone through the turmoil of the Shiite-Sunni conflict and occupation by Russian troops, the Government preferred to ignore the goings-on at Shiburdun.141

Nor was Mir-Alim dedicated to his new office. Following his father's pattern, he began to spend long stretches of time away from Bokhara. Having attended school in St. Petersburg, he knew the city well, and in 1913 had a mansion built near his father's Mosque. Once again, Stephan Krichinsky was called on to act as architect, but the new Emir was not interested in following Islamic tradition or customs. His new house was a four-storey building in the Style Moderne, the Russian equivalent of the then-waning art nouveau movement. Two interior courts, reached through open peristyles of rusticated stone columns, provided light for the extravagantly decorated suites of rooms which Mir-Alim filled with expensive, imported furniture from Berlin, France, Brussels, and Vienna, all in the art nouveau style. A special set of apartments on the ground floor housed members of his male harem.142

For the first few years of his reign, Mir-Alim continued his father's annual visits to the Romanovs in the Crimea, where he was warmly received. In 1913, he was invited by the Emperor to attend the Te Deum at the Cathedral of Our Lady of Kazan in the Imperial capital to mark the 300th anniversary of the Romanov Dynasty, where he appeared in a black robe completely embroidered in gold thread; he was also present during a gala performance of Glinka's opera A Life for the Tsar at the Mariinsky Theatre.143 In response, Mir-Alim presented the Emperor and Empress with lavish gifts, and they reciprocated, showering him with a nephrite cigarette case set with the Emperor's cipher in diamonds, and a solid silver clock with a statue of St. Dimitri, both pieces commissioned from the workshops of jeweler Carl Faberge.144

The outbreak of the First World War brought the return of the Emir to Bokhara. Here, under the microscope of daily observation, discontent with Mir-Alim's rule increased dramatically. According to one historian, he soon proved himself "another traditional autocrat who not only failed to grant a constitution but, in 1914, abolished the few modern schools that had been opened."145 The Kush-Beg-i, believing that the young Emir was not only dissolute but also less than dedicated to his duties, secretly convened a Divan Council, which agreed, in effect, to run the country themselves; they would continue to present the Emir with state papers which required his signature, but all decisions affecting Bokhara's internal and external affairs would be made in the Ark, behind closed and heavily guarded doors.146

When the Revolution came in 1917, Bokhara faced an uncertain future. For a time, Mir-Alim simply watched as events unfolded. In March 1918, the new Bolshevik Government formally recognized Bokharan independence, but insisted that it was necessary, during the Civil War, to maintain an armed Red Guard presence in the country in case hostilities spread. Mir-Alim was at their mercy, but he refused to allow a continued Russian presence in his new, independent state, and the Bolsheviks agreed to withdraw provided they were able to maintain a shadow presence in the capital. To this, Mir-Alim had little option but to agree. In the end, for all of his stubbornness, the Emir realized that it was only a matter of time before Bokharan fell to the Bolsheviks.147

Throughout 1919, Mir-Alim hovered nervously between the Ark and Shiburdun, his bags packed for quick flight if the situation worsened. The sadly depleted Bokharan Army stood uneasily against any onslaught from either the Whites or the Reds. By early 1920, the Bolsheviks, joined by Turkestan soldiers, managed to capture Krasnovodsk and Khiva. With the Red Army settled on the borders of his own country, Mir-Alim ordered his soldiers to prepare for a fight if the Bolsheviks tried to cross into Bokhara. By August, their numbers had grown considerably, and in September they launched a full-scale offensive against the Bokharan Army. It took little more than two days for the Bolsheviks to completely destroy the Emir's forces. The Bolsheviks then began their steady march north, toward the capital.148

With the Bolsheviks heading straight for the capital, Mir-Alim was overwhelmed with terror; disguising himself as a coachman, he fled the city on the night of 31 August, heading for the mountains. At the same time, nearly two dozen other members of the Mangit Dynasty also hastily packed their belongings and rode away from the capital, never to return. Most made their ways to Afghanistan, where they had been promised asylum. Mir-Alim himself remained hidden in the mountains, trying to organize armed resistance to the Bolsheviks, but he was unable to arouse sufficient interest; in fact, many Bokharans were glad to be rid of the Emir, and welcomed the Bolsheviks with open arms, convinced that their plight would be improved through Soviet occupation.149

Mir-Alim's flight from Bokhara, when it took place at the end of September, 1920, was not exactly inconspicuous. The Bolsheviks knew exactly where he was, and the head of the local Red Army garrison, which had stationed itself in the capital, dispatched more than a thousand armed soldiers to chase him down. Mir-Alim came up with his own, novel plan to distract his pursuers. More than five hundred members of the Court and suite fled with him, including his infamous Harem of some 200 young dancing boys. As he rode across the mountains south toward Afghanistan, the Emir, in the words of Sir Fitzroy Maclean, dropped "favorite dancing boy after favorite dancing boy" at strategic points, convinced that the Bolsheviks would not be able to resist at least a temporary halt to enjoy the pleasures of each lad.150 The Bolsheviks, however, were less susceptible to the temptations of the young boys than the Emir himself had been, and either ignored or killed them in their pursuit of Mir-Alim.

Luckily for the Emir, he managed to reach the safety of Afghanistan before the Red Army could catch him. The Emir of Afghanistan gave him a small country palace, and an annual allowance, which Mir-Alim supplemented by selling jewels from the three Bokharan crowns he had managed to bring with him.151 In exile, he attempted to organize a resistance movement which would place him back on the Throne, but no one, not even the most loyal members of the Bokharan Court, was particularly anxious to see him re-installed. In the end, he turned to the fur trade, spending his last years selling karakul, a tightly curled fleece used for collars and cuffs on the coats of wealthy European women. He died in 1943, completely broken and all but abandoned by his former band of supporters.152

Although the Soviets proclaimed an independent Bokharan People's Republic in 1920, once the Civil War ended, Moscow quickly consolidated its power. By 1923, the former Protectorate had become the Bokharan Soviet Socialist Republic; a year later, the country was carved up, its land divided between the new Uzbek, Tajik and Turkmenistan Republics. After more than a thousand years of existence, Bokhara simply vanished from all maps.153

In 1998, a new Emir of Bokhara, Sani-i-Khan, was crowned in the Golden Palace at Stariya. Although only very distantly related to the former Mangit Dynasty, he was the only potential candidate willing to assume the Throne. Like Abd al-Ahad, the new Emir actually spends little time in Bokhara itself, preferring a lavish country estate near Christchurch, New Zealand. He has, however, channeled much needed income into the Bokharan economy and greatly advanced trade with the West, focusing his attentions on the traditional carpet industry. Thus, having survived the tumultuous rise and fall of the Soviet Union, the 500 year-old Emirate of Bokhara once again stands as a mute testament to the vagaries of history.

With special thanks to Penny Wilson for her generous assistance.

Source Notes

1. Schuyler, 366.

2. Vambery, History of Bokhara, 19.

3. Hattstein and Peter Delius, 33.

4. Arapov, 21; Sheila Blair and Jonathan Bloom in Hattstein and Delius, 116.

5. Hattstein and Delius, 55-7.

6. Ibid. 352.

7. Sergej Chmelnizkij, in Hattstein and Delius, 354.

8. Ibid. 390-91.

9. Ibid. 432; Vambery, History of Bokhara, 21; Arapov, 12.

10. Vambery, Travels… 220.

11. Maclean, Portrait of the Soviet Union, 99.

12. For further information, see Lamb, 180-83.

13. Wolfgang Holzwarth, in Hattstein and Delius, 435.

14. Mansel, 86-88.

15. Wolfgang Holzwarth, in Hattstein and Delius, 433.

16. Schuyler, 386.

17. Maclean, Eastern Approaches, 145-46.

18. Vambery, Travels… 227.

19. Vambery, History of Bokhara, 43.

20. Ibid. 46.

21. Mansel, 86.

22. Vambery, Travels… 224.

23. Both quoted in Arapov, 24-26.

24. Vambery, Travels… 226-27.

25. Vambery, History of Bokhara, 268.

26. Vambery, Travels… 229.

27. Quoted in Arapov, 24.

28. Lee, 1:685.

29. Borg, 269.

30. Ibid. 269.

31. Ibid. 269.

32. Vambery, Travels… 426.

33. Borg, 269.

34. Ibid. 269.

35. Ibid. 270.

36. Burnaby, 368-88, 405-09; Maclean, Eastern Approaches, 147-48.

37. Borg, 270.

38. Wolfgang Holzwarth, in Hattstein and Delius, 432.

39. Vambery, History of Bokhara, 311.

40. Arapov, 34.

41. Ibid. 34-6.

42. Ibid. 36.

43. Ibid. 36.

44. Ibid. 36-38.

45. Ibid. 38.

46. Ibid. 38.

47. Ibid. 39.

48. Ibid. 39.

49. Ibid. 39.

50. Ibid. 26.

51. Ibid. 26.

52. Ibid. 26.

53. Ibid. 28.

54. Ibid. 28.

55. Ibid. 28.

56. Ibid. 30.

57. Ibid. 28.

58. Ibid. 28.

59. Ibid. 28.

60. Mansel, 83-5; Arapov, 31.

61. Arapov, 16.

62. Ibid. 28.

63. Ibid. 32.

64. Ibid. 32, 46.

65. Ibid. 32-34.

66. Ibid. 36.

67. Ibid. 38.

68. Ibid. 38-40.

69. Ibid. 38-9.

70. Ibid. 39-40.

71. Ibid. 29.

72. Ibid. 30.

73. Hutchinson, 324.

74. Arapov, 15; Borg, 268.

75. Vambery, History of Bokhara, 364.

76. Ibid. 367.

77. Ibid. 371.

78. Arapov, 42.

79. Vambery, History of Bokhara, 48.

80. Ibid. 62.

81. Ibid. 59.

82. Ibid. 87.

83. Ibid. 92.

84. Ibid. 99-107.

85. Ibid. 126.

86. Ibid. 142-43.

87. Ibid. 161-66.

88. Arapov, 59.

89. Vambery, History of Bokhara, 311-14.

90. Ibid. 317-22.

91. Wolfgang Holzwarth, in Hattstein and Delius, 434.

92. Vambery, History of Bokhara, 331.

93. Maclean, Portrait of the Soviet Union, 104.

94. Arapov, 114.

95. Ibid, 21; Maclean, Portrait of the Soviet Union, 101; Vambery, Travels… 413.

96. Vambery, History of Bokhara, 334.

97. Vambery, Travels… 414; Arapov, 114; Maclean, Eastern Approaches, 146-51; Sergej Chmelnizkij, in Hattstein and Delius, 358-59, 418, 437.

98. Arapov, 114.

99. Sergej Chmelnizkij, in Hattstein and Delius, 436.

100. Wolfgang Holzwarth, in Hattstein and Delius, 432; Arapov, 22; Maclean, Portrait of the Soviet Union, 104.

101. Arapov, 90.

102. Norman, 305.

103. Maclean, Portrait of the Soviet Union, 104; Arapov, 22; Norman, 305.

104. Arapov, 92.

105. Vambery, History of Bokhara, 352.

106. Arapov, 22.

107. Ibid. 14, 29.

108. Ibid. 23.

109. Ibid. 29-30, 53.

110. Ibid. 18.

111. Ibid. 44.

112. Ibid. 134.

113. Ibid. 134-39.

114. Ibid. 139.

115. Ibid. 28.

116. Bovey, 21.

117. Logan, 172.

118. Arapov, 30.

119. Mansel, 89.

120. Arapov, 30.

121. Ibid. 32.

122. Vyrubova, 39.

123. Ibid. 39.

124. Botkine, 87.

125. Wrangell-Rokoassowsky, 192-3.

126. Buxhoeveden, 179.

127. Ibid. 179; Arapov, 46.

128. Yusupov, 104-05.

129. Vyrubova, 39.

130. Vorres, 92.

131. Arapov, 30.

132. Sergej Chmelnizkij, in Markus Hattstein and Delius, 420; Mawdsley, 309; Vasilievskaya,

133. Bloch, 18; Iroshnikov, 198-99.

134. The Times, London, 17 February, 1910.

135. Mansel, 86-7.

136. Arapov, 32.

137. Borg, 270-71.

138. Arapov, 44; Mansel, 86-7.

139. Arapov, 44; Mansel, 87.

140. Arapov, 32.

141. Ibid. 34.

142. Shvidkovsky, 196; Mawdsley, 309.

143. The Times, London, 15 March, 1913.

144. Habsburg and Lopato, 59.

145. Mansel, 87.

146. Arapov, 14.

147. Ibid. 14.

148. Lincoln, 453.

149. Arapov, 34; Mansel, 154-55.

150. Maclean, Eastern Approaches, 149.

151. Mansel, 154-55.

152. Arapov, 34; Lincoln, 453; Mansel, 154.

153. Mansel, 124; Arapov, 14.

Bibliography

Arapov, Dmitriy Yu. Bukhara: Caught in Time. Reading, UK: Garnet Publishing Ltd., 1993.

Bloch, Dr. Leonid. St. Petersburg Insight Compact Guide. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1995.

Borg, Alexander. "The Emirate of Bokhara: A Victim of Geography." In Royalty Digest, March, 1999, No. 93, Volume VIII, No.9.

Botkine, Tatiana. Au Temps des Tsars. Paris: Grasset, 1980.

Bovey, Kate Koon. Russian Coronation. Minneapolis, Minnesota: Privately Published

Burnaby, Fred. A Ride to Khiva. London: Random Century, 1983.

Buxhoeveden, Baroness Sophie. The Life and Tragedy of Alexandra Feodorovna. London: Longmans, 1928.

Habsburg, Geza von and Marina Lopato. Faberge: Imperial Jeweler. New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1993.

Hattstein, Markus and Peter Delius, Editors. Islam: Art and Architecture. Cologne: Konemann, 2000.

Hutchinson, The Very Reverend H. N. The Living Rulers of Mankind. London: George Allen, 1902.

Iroshnikov, Mikhail P., Yuri B. Shelayev, and Liudmila A. Protsai. Before the Revolution: St. Petersburg in Photographs: 1890-1914. New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1991.

Lamb, Harold. The March of Muscovy: Ivan the Terrible and the Growth of the Russian Empire, 1400-1468. Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Co., 1948.

Lee, Sir Sidney. King Edward VII: A Biography. 2 Volumes. London: Macmillan and Co., 1925.

Lincoln, W. Bruce. Red Victory: A History of the Russian Civil War. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1989.

Logan, John A. In Joyful Russia. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1897.

Maclean, Sir Fitzroy. Eastern Approaches. London: Jonathan Cape, 1949.

_____ Portrait of the Soviet Union. New York: Henry Holt, 1988.

Mansel, Philip. Sultans in Splendour. London: Andre Deutsche, 1988.

Mawdsley, Evan. Moscow and Leningrad: The Blue Guide. London: A & C Black, 1991.

Norman, Henry. All the Russias. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1903.

Shvidkovsky, Dmitri. St. Petersburg: Architecture of the Tsars. New York: Abbeville Press, 1996.

Schuyler, Eugene. Turkistan: Notes of a Journey in Russian Turkestan, Khokand, Bukhara and Kuldja. New York: Scribner, Armstrong and Co., 1876.

Vambery, Arminius. Travels in Central Asia: Being the Account of A Journey from Teheran Across the Turkoman Desert on the Eastern Shore of the Caspian to Khiva, Bokhara and Samarkand. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1865.

_____ History of Bokhara. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1871.

Vasilievskaya, Nina. St. Petersburg: A Guide to the Architecture. St. Petersburg: Bibliopolis, 1994.

Vorres, Ian. The Last Grand Duchess. London, Hutchinson, 1964.

Vyrubova, Anna. Memories of the Russian Court. New York: Macmillan Company, 1923.

Wrangell-Rokoassowsky, Baron C. Before the Storm. Ventimiglia Italy: Tipo-Litografia Ligure, 1971.

Yusupov, Prince Felix. Lost Splendor. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1954.